Institutional Links to Slavery: The funding of LJMU’s earliest school

 By Maria Coll (MA Modern History, LJMU)

In this blogpost, Maria Coll discusses her research on men with links to slavery who were involved in the funding and establishment of LJMU’s earliest antecedent school, the Liverpool Mechanics Institute.

As a part of the MA programme ‘Modern History’ at Liverpool John Moores University (LJMU), students were set the task of conducting initial investigations into the university’s links to the Atlantic slave economy.  In order to uncover these links my own research focused on some of the individual and financial links, namely the philanthropic donations and subscriptions made to the earliest antecedent institution of LJMU, the Liverpool Mechanic’s Institute.  Whilst this research is just one small part of a larger project, it can help to understand how LJMU has benefitted from wealth accumulated from slavery.

Due to the accessibility of records in Liverpool archives during the Covid-19 pandemic, some records on the financial donations to the Liverpool Mechanics Institute have not been fully scrutinised, yet some important findings were still discovered: influential figures with connections to slavery spoke in favour of the Institution’s formation, as well as directors, presidents, vice presidents, and the members of the building committee for the Mount Street building that was opened during 1835.

The beginnings of the Mechanics Institute 

On 9 March 1825 the committee of Liverpool’s Royal Institution called a meeting with many of the master tradesmen in Liverpool to see how the formation of a Mechanics Institute could be promoted and supported in the town.[ii] Mechanics institutions were growing in popularity in Britain during the nineteenth century because of their aims to foster social progress by advancing the arts and sciences and to add to the prosperity of the country.[iii] There was a significant growing demand for mechanics institutes due to the Industrial Revolution creating a demand for educated, literate workers.[iv]  Ultimately a middle-class endeavour, they were funded by influential local industrialists and philanthropists and they essentially benefitted employers by having more skilled and knowledgeable employees, rather than the working class.[v]

After the success of the meeting held in March 1825 another meeting was held at the Concert Hall on Bold Street on the 8th June 1825, which was attended by over 1,000 people and many influential local men.[vi] During the Bold St meeting, many  influential figures connected with slavery, the slave trade and the slave economy spoke in favour of the formation of the Mechanics Institution.[vii]  Some of the figures are listed below:

John Moss (1782-1858)

John Moss seconded the resolutions moved by Dr. T. S. Traill concluding that the formation of such an institution was ‘highly desirable’ in Liverpool, and the education provided would be beneficial to many trades in the town.[viii] John was also one of the first vice-presidents of the Institution. He was the founding partner of Moss & Co bankers formed in 1808, later known as Moss, Dales & Rogers and was a West India merchant, owning an extensive plantation with his brother Henry Moss. John received £40,353 in compensation upon abolition of slavery in the colonies in 1833 following a claim listing two estates.[ix] His involvement with slavery increased further when he inherited 1,000 enslaved individuals in the Bahamas from his uncle during 1822. John and his brother also purchased the Anna Regina estate in Demerara, British Guiana for £10,000 in 1823.[x]  Between 1821-1825, 1,762 enslaved individuals were recorded as imported into Demerara, 603 of these being exported by John Moss himself.

William Rathbone V (1787-1868)

As documented in the Liverpool Mercury Rathbone proposed ‘the best mode of proceeding would be for himself and others to put their hands into their pockets, at once, and commence the subscription.’[xi] Rathbone continued to express his opinion that such an institution would do honour to the town, bringing amusement, improve leisure hours and improve the intellectual character of the lower classes.[xii] Alongside speaking in favour of the institution, he was Vice President of the Institution upon its formation, and President of the Institution during 1851. He also donated £175 in order to secure his position as a lifetime member of the institution.[xiii]

The Rathbone family are infamous for their involvement with slavery. Rathbone was an English merchant and politician who served as Lord Mayor of Liverpool, who went into business with his brother Richard Rathbone. He was also in partnership with Robert Benson in the firm Messrs, Rathbone & Benson who were substantial importers of American cotton grown by enslaved people, as well as shipping cotton from the West Indies to Philadelphia.[xiv] The Rathbone’s business has been described as a “trading-empire”, expanding over continental Europe, India, Africa, Australia and the Americas.[xv]

John Ashton Yates (1781-1863)

Yates was another figure who spoke in favour of the Institution’s formation and was subsequently secretary of the Institution.  Yates was present at the public meeting in 1825 where he read aloud all the resolutions for the formation of the Institute, and a letter from William Huskisson.[xvi] As noted in an article in the Liverpool Mercury from 14 March 1828, he discussed the benefits of such an educational Institution in the improvement of characters and softening the manners of those in the working classes. He also presented illustrations from other countries such as Scotland where he said that workers were better educated than in England.[xvii]

The Yates family were significant traders in enslaved people and John Yates himself was directly involved in at least thirty voyages. He was an apprentice to a firm run by the Rathbone family becoming a merchant and broker in Liverpool. He was in partnership with his brother Richard Vaughn Yates in the firm of Yates, Cox & Co, who were iron merchants and nail manufacturers.[xviii] He received over £2,000 compensation in relation to three claims from Trinidad estates.[xix] Despite his own significant involvement in slavery and the slave trade, he wrote in opposition to it as an author of pamphlets on trade and slavery. He wrote letters to William Huskisson, the president of the board of trade titled, ‘on the present condition of the slaves, and the means best adapted to promote the mitigation and final extinction of slavery in the British Colonies’. In these letters he presents his view seeking to preserve the interest of the planters, but also aiming for the abolition of slavery in the British Colonies.[xx]

William Huskisson (1770-1830)

Although not present at the meeting, Huskisson (1770-1830), who was MP for Liverpool at the time, is another figure that was involved in the formation of the Institution and slavery. He was the first president of the Institution from 1825 to 1826 and was highly in favour of its formation. The Liverpool Mercury of 8th June 1825 detailed a letter, read aloud by Samuel Hope at the public meeting, setting out Huskisson’s support for, and his formal acceptance of the office of president at the Institution.[xxi]

Huskisson’s relationship with slavery is complicated. During his time representing Liverpool as MP many of his supporters in the town were plantation owners and were not in favour of an end to slavery in British colonies. As a member of parliament for Liverpool he did not forget the interests of Liverpool’s slave economy, and he kept close contact with merchants of the city such as John Gladstone.[xxii] These pro-enslaver sentiments of the Liverpool townsmen led Huskisson to oppose the abolition of slavery and in 1826, and supported the passing of the Consolidated Slave Law.  In a letter to John Gladstone he expressed his sympathies to the pro-slavery cause, where he condemned immediate emancipation.[xxiii] Despite this stance, he had voted for the abolition of the trans-Atlantic trade in enslaved people in 1807, stating how the pro-enslaver sentiments of individuals in Liverpool influenced his opinion. The complicated relationship between Huskisson and slavery is symbolised by the removal of his statue during the Toxteth Riots of 1982. A plinth detailing Huskisson’s connection to slavery now stands where the statue once was.

Where did the money go?

During 1832 the original name of ‘The Liverpool Mechanics’ School of Arts’ was changed to ‘The Liverpool Mechanics Institution’ and the new Mount Street building was opened in 1835. Two of the directors James Mulleneux and Richard Vaugh Yates wrote a letter to the Institution in 1833 stating that they wished for the expansion of the school, and in order to do this a considerable sum of money was needed. Both men promised £500 to this fund if in the period of twelve months the Institution could collect £5,000 in additional donations for the new building. Upon the success of these donations, they acquired over 3,000 square yards of land on Mount Street where they would construct the long desired permanent building of the Institution. Richard Vaughan Yates, John Ashton Yates’ brother, was director of the Institution and president during 1833[xxiv] and in a newspaper article in the Liverpool Mercury, after discussing letters written to Lord Sandon and William Ewart, he urged the Liverpool townsmen to ‘come forward liberally with donations towards the erection of the intended buildings.’[xxv]  While Yates had no clear direct links to slavery, his brother and father’s links were significant.  The remainder of the donations to the building fund are yet to be traces, but clues may come from the information on the building committee.   

John Gladstone (1764-1851) 

Gladstone was a member of the building committee for the Mechanics Institution, and was present at the public meeting of 8th June 1825, where he was announced as one of the first vice-presidents.[xxvi] He later became President in 1828-1829. In an article in the Liverpool Mercury from 1825, where a letter written by Gladstone to Dr. Traill is detailed, Gladstone expressed that he, ‘hope[d] to have seen a stronger feeling in its favour prevail among his fellow-townsmen, as an object of great public utility, to which no political motive should be attached.”[xxvii] 

Gladstone was a Scottish merchant, enslaver, Member of Parliament, and the father of the British Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone. He began by acting as an agent and manager for absentee plantation owners, and from 1809 he became chairman of the Liverpool West India Association.[xxviii] Through his commercial activities he acquired several large plantations in Jamaica and Guyana which were worked initially by enslaved Africans. In a pamphlet from 1830 he defended slavery, but did advocate for gradual amelioration, a view that supported the abolition of slavery in the colonies but only when it would be safe for the plantation owners.[xxix] He received the largest of all compensation payments made by the Slave Compensation Commission due to the extent of his slave ownership. He was associated with eleven different claims receiving over £100,000 in slave compensation.[xxx]  Yet, this was not the end of the Gladstone’s participation in the plantation economy.[xxxi]  The production of sugar continued with the labour force whose, ‘legal status was changed from slave to apprentice for a period of four years’.[xxxii] Gladstone also imported large numbers of Indian indentured servants.

Charles Horsfall (1776-1846)

Horsfall was President of the building committee and mayor of Liverpool in 1832-1833. He was active in the ‘West Africa trade’, especially with the trade of palm oil, and a prominent member of the Liverpool West India Association. The West India Interest was a political and economic corps during the abolition era that defended and fought for the pro-slavery cause. They lobbied their own pro-slavery campaign and produced pamphlets, articles and books arguing against emancipation.[xxxiii] Many other individuals mentioned in this essay were also a part of the West India Association, presenting the political opinions held by some of those connected to the Mechanics Institution, and that ultimately their opinions lay with pro-slavery sentiments.

In 1792 at age sixteen, he sailed to Jamaica and established himself as a commodities trader.[xxxiv] In Baines’ directory the firm of which Charles was connected with, Charles Horsfall & Co, is listed as a merchant and ship owners trading from 1 exchange buildings.[xxxv] Horsfall was related to four different estates in Jamaica and British Guiana, and a slave register indicates that Horsfall owned 69 enslaved people in 1823. He received over £14,800 in slave compensation in relation to six claims for the enslaved individuals in British Guiana and Jamaica.[xxxvi]

William Brown (1780-1864)

One of the Vice Presidents of the committee, Brown, was both a banker and a merchant.  Although neither a slave trader nor an enslaver, he was a substantial trader in produce produced by enslaved people in the US South.  He founded Brown, Shipley & Co in 1810, which was a branch of his family firm that conducted transactions of money between Britain and the United States.  Much like many other merchants at the time, the firm acquired masses of wealth from conducting these transactions. The firm were prominent importers of cotton into Liverpool in the early nineteenth century, importing more cotton from the United States than any other mercantile house in the entirety of Britain. Richard Cobden once stated that ‘there is hardly a wind that blows, or a tide that flows in the Mersey, that does not bring a ship freighted with cotton or some other costly commodity for Mr Brown’s house.’ Although he did not own any himself, his family did own plantations meaning they also owned many enslaved people.

William Ewart (1798-1869)

Ewart was MP for Liverpool from 1830 till 1837.  In 1833 a letter was sent to Ewart from the director and president of the Institution Richard Vaughn Yates, giving thanks for his generous donation to the Institution, and explaining that it is such an honour to have such a gentleman as himself in the body of the Institution.[xxxvii] Ewart’s connection with philanthropy is presented clearly in his response to this letter where he states, “education has been too long a monopoly in this country. I hope that we shall see the day when some great and real university may rise in our own district.”[xxxviii]

Although Ewart himself does not appear to have any direct links to slavery or the slave trade, his father was involved. His father was a general commission merchant being a senior partner in Ewart, Ruston & Co, later known as Ewart, Myers & Co. He was also described by George Canning as ‘unquestionably the most powerful commercial man in Liverpool.’ Additionally, he was a joint mortgagee with John Gladstone of the Belmont plantation in Demerara.[xxxix]

John Ewart (1796-1839)

John Ewart was a partner in Ewart, Myers & Co alongside his brother as general overseas merchants. Further, he was a common councillor, and was sometimes chairman of the Liverpool East India Association. He received £2,790 in compensation for Long Lane Delap's estate in Antigua. [xl]

Samuel Hope (1781-1837)

Hope was both a member of the building committee for the Institution and later a president of the Institution from 1831-1832. Hope Street in Liverpool is named after his father William Hope (1751-1827) where their family home resided on the spot where the Philharmonic Hall now stands. Samuel Hope became a successful cotton merchant and banker in Liverpool, founding Samuel Hope & Co. This firm can be seen listed in Pigot & Co’s national directory of 1828-29 as Bankers in Water Street, but before 1821 the firm were also cotton brokers, meaning that there is a high possibility that they were trading in goods grown by enslaved people.[xli] The firm Samuel Hope & Co are also listed as Treasurers of the Institution.

Aside from his business commitments, Hope was also a dedicated philanthropist who was committed to the cause of anti-slavery. His strong support of abolition presents the differing opinions on slavery and abolition in the nation at the time.

A complicated legacy

Individuals that supported the formation of the Institution came from a wide range of political, social and religious backgrounds. Many pro-slavery and anti-slavery campaigners worked in unison for the advancement of adult education.[xlii] Hope being a part of the Institution alongside many other figures who were heavily involved within the slave economy and pro-slavery, presents how slavery was regarded within Liverpool. This coexistence of opinion of individuals working together to establish the Institution presents that slavery was regarded as something that was detached from everyday life in the city, and something that could overlooked for individuals to work alongside each other. This coexistence is visible on a national level with newspapers such as The Times being sympathetic towards the West India Interest, whilst publishing articles with abolitionist arguments.[xliii]

Conclusions   

The economic success of Liverpool is attributable to many different things, but the slave trade and economy was key. The growing interest in institutional links to slavery can offer an insight into just how much of Liverpool was built with wealth accumulated from slavery.  LJMU’s links to slavery presented in this blogpost has helped form an understanding of the landscape of slavery in Liverpool and institutions such as LJMU still prevalent in the city today can find their foundations in slavery-derived wealth.  As once such an integral port in the trade, the influence of the wealth acquired by those involved has left lasting legacies in the city due to the philanthropic donations made by the individuals.

This prominence of slavery landmarks and slave-funded institutions and buildings still being present in Liverpool can inflict lasting harm on those who have been historically subjected to the effects of slavery, the slave trade and the slave economy.[xliv]  Discussion on what already has been done and what needs to be done about these lasting legacies is a richly debated topic that should include opinions on various forms of reparations and retrospective justice.[xlv]

Significantly more research is needed to uncover the true extent of LJMU’s links to slavery and the slave trade. Whilst the research set out in this blogpost has set out the links between several individuals, slavery, and LJMU, there are a many more links that LJMU could have with slavery -- including any lasting legacies, memorialisation, the supply and fitting of slave-trade vessels, the supply of goods to West Africa and the intellectual formations surrounding ‘race’. These factors are all integral to understanding the true extent of LJMU’s connections to slavery, the slave trade and the slave economy.

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 Endnotes

[ii] Ibid. p. 14.

[iii] Ian Inkster, ‘The Social Context of an Educational Movement: A Revisionist Approach to the English Mechanics’ Institutes, 1820-1850’ Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 2, No. 3 (1976) p. 284.

[iv] Thomas Kelly, ‘The origins of the mechanics institutes’ British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol.1, No.1 (1954) p.  18.

[v] Inkster, ‘The Social Context of an Educational Movement’, (1976)

[vi] Tiffen, A History of the Liverpool Institute Schools: 1825 to 1935, p. 14.

[vii] Tiffen, A History of the Liverpool Institute Schools: 1825 to 1935, p. 14.

[viii] ‘Advertisements & Notices.’ Liverpool Mercury, 10 June 1825. British Library Newspapers, https://

link.gale.com/apps/doc/BC3203935557/BNCN?u=livjm&sid=BNCN&xid=1e95332a. Accessed

13/12/2020.

[ix] John Moss, UCL Legacies of slave ownership. Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/7601  , Accessed 10/11/2020.

[x] Anna Regina, UCL Legacies of slave ownership. Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/estate/view/919 , Accessed 10/11/2020.

[xi] ‘Advertisements & Notices.’ Liverpool Mercury, 10 June 1825.

[xii] Ibid.

[xiii] Gordon W. Roderick & Michael D. Stephens, ‘Approaches to technical education in nineteenth-century England: Part IV. The Liverpool Mechanics’ Institution’ The Vocational Aspect of Education, Vol. 25, No. 61 (1973) p. 100.

[xiv] Jehanne Wake, The History of Two Families in Banking (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997) P.28.

[xv] Betty Fladeland , Abolitionists and Working-Class Problems in the Age of Industrialization (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1984) pp. 17-48.

[xvi] ‘Advertisements & Notices.’ Liverpool Mercury, 10 June 1825.

[xvii] ‘MECHANICS' SCHOOL OF ARTS.’ Liverpool Mercury, 14 Mar. 1828. British Library

Newspapers, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/BC3203938251/BNCN?u=livjm&sid= BNCN&xid=2b7ebeca. Accessed 11 Nov. 2020.

[xviii] John Ashton Yates, Legacies of British Slave-ownership, Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/28769 , Accessed 06/12/2020.

[xix] Ibid.

[xx] John Ashton Yates, ‘Colonial Slavery. Letters to the Right Hon. W. Huskisson ... on the present condition of the slaves, and the means best adapted to promote the mitigation and final extinction of slavery in the British Colonies (Liverpool: Harris and Co, 1824).

[xxi] ‘Advertisements & Notices.’ Liverpool Mercury, 10 June 1825.

[xxii] Anna Lane Lingebach, ‘William Huskisson as President of the Board of Trade’, The American Historical Review, Vol. 43, No. 4 (1938) p. 772.

[xxiii] Michael Taylor, The British West India Interest and its allies 1838-33’ The English Historical Review, Vol. 133, No. 565 (2018) p. 1502- 1503.

[xxiv] Gordon W. Roderick & Michael D. Stephens, ‘Approaches to technical education in nineteenth-century England: Part IV. The Liverpool Mechanics’ Institution’ The Vocational Aspect of Education, Vol. 25, No. 61 (1973) p. 100.

[xxv] ‘MECHANICS’ INSTITUTION.’ Liverpool Mercury, 14 June 1833. British Library Newspapers, https://

link.gale.com/apps/doc/BC3203944578/BNCN?u=livjm&sid=BNCN&xid=75aff5c4. Accessed 13

Oct. 2020.

[xxvi] ‘Advertisements & Notices.’ Liverpool Mercury, 10 June 1825.

[xxvii] ‘MECHANICS' INSTITUTE.’ Liverpool Mercury, 12 Aug. 1825. British Library Newspapers, https:// link.gale.com/apps/doc/BC3203935733/BNCN?u=livjm&sid=BNCN&xid=760badcc. Accessed 13 Oct. 2020.

[xxviii] Roland Quinault, ‘Gladstone and Slavery’, The Historical Journal, Vol. 52, No. 2, (June, 2009) p. 364

[xxix] John Gladstone, ‘Facts relating to slavery in the West Indies and America’, contained in a letter to Sir Robert Peel Bt. (London, 1830).

[xxx] John Gladstone, Legacies of British Slave Ownership, Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/8961 , Accessed 17/12/2020.

[xxxi] Sheridan, ‘The condition of the slaves’, P. 264.

[xxxii] Sheridan, ‘The condition of the slaves’. P. 264.

[xxxiii] Taylor, The British West India Interest and its allies 1838-33’, pp. 1478- 1480.

[xxxiv] Ian Simpson, "The Horsfall Churches: Conserving the Legacy of Liverpool's Great Church Building Family" Future for Religious Heritage, Online. Available https://www.frh-europe.org/the-horsfall-churches-conserving-the-legacy-of-liverpools-great-church-building-family/ . Accessed 22/12/2020.

[xxxv] Edward Baines, History, Directory, and Gazetteer of the County Palatine of Lancaster Vol I (Liverpool: W M Wales & Co, 1824) p. 268.

[xxxvi] Charles Horsfall, UCL Legacies of Slave Ownership. Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/8067 , Accessed 14/11/2020.

[xxxvii] ‘MECHANICS’ INSTITUTION.’ Liverpool Mercury, 14 June 1833.

[xxxviii] ‘MECHANICS’ INSTITUTION.’ Liverpool Mercury, 14 June 1833.

[xxxix] William Ewart, Legacies of British Slave Ownership, Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/2146651793 . Accessed 12/12/2020.

[xl] John Ewart, UCL Legacy of British slave-ownership, Online. Available https://www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/person/view/465 Accessed 27/12/2020.

[xli] Pigot and Co’s national commercial directory for 1828-9, (1828) Online. Available  https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=hdMHAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA1187&dq=Samuel+Hope+%26+Co+Liverpool&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiGgO655Z_iAhURuHEKHcK4AO0Q6AEIMzAC#v=onepage&q=Samuel%20Hope%20%26%20Co%20Liverpool&f=false , Accessed 09/11/2020. ; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Brokers’ (London: E. Wilson, 1886) p.202.

[xlii] R.A. Thomas, ‘The mechanics' institutes of the Home Counties, c. 1825–70 part two’ The Vocational Aspect of Education, Vol.31, No. 80, (1979) p. 107.

[xliii] Taylor, The British West India Interest and its allies 1838-33’, p. 1499.

[xliv] For more information on slave-trade wealth and construction and growth of the city consult: Jane Longmore, ‘Cemented by the Blood of a Negro’?; Madge Dresser and Andrew Hann (eds.) Slavery and the British Country House (Swindon: English Heritage, 2013); Anthony Tibbles, Liverpool and the slave trade (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2018) pp. 66-68.

[xlv] For information on this subject consult: Walters, ‘Slavery and the American university’, Alfred L. Brophy, ‘Forum on slavery and universities: Introduction’ Slavery & Abolition, Vol. 39, No. 2 (2018); Draper, ‘British Universities and Caribbean Slavery’; Adam Rothman, ‘Slavery and institutional morality at Georgetown University: Reply to Nelson’ British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 69, No. 3 (2018); Moody, ‘From History to Memory’; Sally Haslanger, ‘Racism, Ideology and Social Movements’ RES Philosophica, Vol. 94, No. 1 (2017); Max Clarke and Gary Alan Fine, “A” for Apology’.